MASA Article

CHILDREN’S RIGHTS, CHILD ABUSE, AND THE LEGAL SYSTEM

By Randy Burton, founder, Justice For Children

Congressman Major R. Owens stated at the opening of a field hearing on child sexual abuse in New York on April 20, 1992,  "Ignoring or mistreating child sexual abuse is tantamount to allowing an untreated cancer to grow in our society.”  Several experts and parents testified at this hearing concerning the obstacles to addressing and remedying this problem. One of these experts, The Honorable David Paterson, a state senator from New York, testified that one of every three young girls and one of every five boys become the victims of child sexual abuse and that a high percentage of those most afflicted repeat the cycle.[1]

This federal hearing was convened in response to a state-level investigation conducted by then-Assemblyman Jerrold Nadler (D-NY), who concluded that the system has failed miserably to protect sexually abused children.

Despite this and numerous similar hearings representing virtually every region of the United States into the failure of the child protective system, nationwide reports of child abuse and neglect continue to rise.  This increase is a direct and predictable consequence of the failure of our legal system to protect known victims of abuse.  This crisis is even more critical as it affects children who are unable to defend themselves.

The Family Courts

Much of our legal system's failure to protect abused children occurs in state family courts. For example, when the abuser is a parent of the child and the other parent is innocent of any complicity in the abuse, the "protective parent" often seeks to dissolve the marital relationship.  In cases where the abuse is discovered post-divorce, the protective parent may seek to restrict or eliminate visitation privileges. 

However, the family court system is comprised of judges and court personnel who often lack sufficient training in child abuse issue and are frequently indifferent to the child's allegations of abuse, particularly allegations of sexual abuse, because they assume that allegations of child abuse in custody cases are all-too-common and, therefore, false.  This attitude remains despite numerous national studies indicating that the number of false allegations of sexual abuse in custody cases is de minimis.[2]

Mental health professionals and attorneys ad litem are routinely appointed by judges in return for campaign favors and critical court decisions may be based more on personal relationships with lawyers than on sound legal principals.  As a result, the protection of the child and any due process to which the child is entitled are given little or no consideration, and the abuser is frequently given unrestricted visitation with the child, if not total custody.  Child abuse, whether sexual or physical, and child protection becomes only incidentally a custody question. [3]

Originally traumatized by the perpetrator, the child may be victimized again by the legal system designed to protect him/her.  This legal system was originally put into place to (1) identify children who had been abused or severely neglected by their parents or caretakers, (2) remove those children at risk of further abuse or neglect, (3) place them in protective custody or terminate parental rights and place the child with adoptive parents, and, (4) bring perpetrators of child abuse and criminal neglect before the bar of justice.  However, since its creation, this system has devolved into one in which incompetent, ineffective, overwhelmed, and corrupt government officials or bureaucracies, who are accountable to no one since these court records are often sealed, may make decisions resulting in abused and neglected children being left in dangerous homes.  While a few publicized cases have reported allegations of altered transcripts, altered or destroyed government documents, exparte communications, and hearings held and orders issued without court reporters, these cases may reflect a greater problem within the family court system. Children’s Protective Services (CPS)

According to the National Committee to Prevent Child Abuse, 3 million new reports of child neglect or abuse were made in 1993, one report every 10 seconds.  The recent National Incidence Survey III conducted by the Department of Health and Human Services found that fully 72% of all reports received by CPS, or 2,160,000 reports of child abuse or neglect, were never investigated by CPS.  Nineteen ninety-three records from CPS show that nearly half of all children who were confirmed as abused or neglected did not receive any follow-up assistance from CPS.

Of those cases reported, an estimated 1,299 children died from abuse or neglect, 42% of the children who died had been previously reported to CPS as being in danger, and 90% of those children were age 5 or younger.

These preventable child deaths were not merely the result of incompetence or excessive caseloads, but rather the direct and predictable consequence of a social service delivery system that places a higher priority on preservation of the family unit and rehabilitation of the offender than on protection of the child.

Fundamental to an understanding why we are failing abused child is the fact that children who are victims of crimes are treated differently from adult crime victims.  Only in instances of crimes against children does our law enforcement establishment allow a social service agency (CPS) lacking law enforcement training and with conflicting priorities, to receive the initial report of abuse, perform the initial "civil" investigation of the crime, and dictate the progress of the criminal case.

Only in cases of child abuse is a victim forced by the state to live in the same home with his or her abuser.  And, only in cases of child abuse is a person denied the right to be safe in his or her own home.  This points out a fundamental issue involving the rights of children:  They have no rights.  Because children cannot speak for themselves, they are denied access to justice and equal protection under the law.

Allowing CPS to control the criminal investigation and the determination of when or whether to remove the child from harm's way has proven to be a fatal error in many cases. For example, whereas police agencies measure their response time to the scene of adult crimes in minutes (and child abuse cases may involve first degree felonies where the child is literally being held hostage by the perpetrator), CPS measures acceptable response time in terms of days.  A "priority one" or life threatening report of child abuse means CPS is required under its own guidelines to arrive on the scene within 24 hours. 

Furthermore, CPS lacks the victim's perspective of law enforcement (whose complaining witness must be protected to preserve the criminal case).  CPS's "client" is not the child, but the family.  Their goal is to rehabilitate the perpetrator and preserve the "family unit"; to perform a “social experiment” often at the child's expense.  Unfortunately, few such experiments have proven successful and the child is often re-abused. 

This family preservation bias has been strongly motivated by federal funding which has required, as a condition to receipt of the funds, that local CPS agencies demonstrate that "reasonable efforts" have been made to preserve the family.  Not surprisingly, when the vulnerable child victim is kept in the same home with the person against whom they may testify and who may ultimately be imprisoned, the child often “forgets” or "recants" the allegations.  This would be similar to deciding that an adult victim of rape or battery live with their rapist or batterer during the impending  criminal investigation. 

Despite the best intentions of the most dedicated social worker, a child cannot be protected in an abusive home.

As various parts of the country experience “system failures” with CPS, a growing national consensus is developing based on the research that the family preservation is inherently risky and unworkable.  While some efforts to rehabilitate parents who neglect or abuse their children have been successful, outcome is not predictable in individual cases.  Dr. Richard J. Gelles, Ph.D, a nationally recognized expert on family violence, and formerly one of the strongest proponents of family preservation, has stated that the “evidence is in” and the policy of family preservation has been an “abysmal failure.”

District Attorneys

CPS misplaced priorities become the de facto priorities of the entire system.  Because CPS is the inlet point for virtually all child abuse complaints, their efforts affect all the other downstream legal entities with an interest in the child's case; namely, the District Attorney's office and the criminal and civil courts.

Since child abuse cases are notoriously difficult to prosecute, the District Attorney's office is often less aggressive on these matters than other easier "shooting fish in a barrel" cases.  Children under the age of 6 are routinely held by criminal court judges to be "incompetent" to testify as to the crime committed against them.  In sexual molestation cases, the physical evidence can be non-existent or at least controvertible.  Of course, child witnesses are also the most fearful of the legal process and can be easily intimidated by a criminal defense attorney with the perpetrator by his side "confronting" the child accuser.

Conclusion

We must begin to consider the social cost of the failure of our legal system, not only in terms of the well-being of abused and neglected children but also in terms of the long term effect of child abuse on our community.  The child who survives an abusive environment is all too often the future runaway, drug addict, or child abuser preying on the next generation of innocent citizens.

Advocacy for children's rights must not be left to a social service agency that maintains the repressive and scientifically unproven view that it is more harmful to the child to remove him or her from the family than to leave the child in the abusive home.  This policy is a throwback to the notion that child abuse is a "family problem," not a crime, and should be handled by the family.  Likewise, protection of the civil rights of children should not be left to a insensitive family court judiciary and their appointees.

Solutions to this complex and failed system are known, are available, and are essential if our country hopes to get a handle on the burgeoning child abuse problem.  Child abuse, in any form, is a crime and should be treated as one.  It is critical that law enforcement be given primary authority for the receipt and investigation of child abuse complaints.  When used effectively, law enforcement results in segregating the offender from the victim and impresses upon the abuser that there is someone more powerful who refuses to allow the further abuse of a child. 

Finally, an urgent need exists for federal action to ensure that laws in our states pertaining to child abuse and neglect, whether physical or sexual, whether family member or stranger, be strengthened to protect children.  By aggressively intervening on a timely basis on behalf of the child, and by ensuring that the legal rights of the child are observed in any subsequent judicial proceeding, our government can stop both the systemic abuse of the child.

__________

Justice for Children is a national child advocacy organization headquartered in Houston, Texas, which advocates for those victims of child abuse and neglect that have fallen through the cracks of the system designed to protect them.   JFC has a professionally qualified staff in offices in Houston, Scottsdale, AZ, and Washington, DC.  It also has volunteer-run chapters in a number of other states.  In addition to addressing public policy concerns through legislative and educational initiatives, Justice for Children provides pro bono attorneys for cases where the child or protective parent has no other advocate.

Randy Burton, founder and president of Justice For Children, has attained national recognition for his work to protect abused and neglected children from further abuse. Mr. Burton has received the American Bar Association Child Advocacy National Certificate of Recognition, the City of Houston Mayor’s Award for Outstanding Volunteer Service, and the Houston Young Lawyers Award for Outstanding Young Lawyer of Houston.

Endnotes

1. Field Hearing on Child Abuse, 1992:  Hearing before the Subcommittee on Select Education of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 102nd Cong., 2nd Sess.  6-7 (1992).

2. Ducote, R. and Harrison, D. (YEAR).  Studies of true and false allegations: A critical Review.” Sexual Abuse Allegations in Custody and Visitation Cases. Location: Publisher

   Corwin, D. et al. (1987, March).  Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2(1), 91-103.    

3. In 1993, an extensive investigation was conducted into Texas' family court system by the Texas Ethics Commission after numerous complaints.  In its report, the Commission stated, "we believe the testimony in Houston raised questions about the administration of justice in the Harris County Family Courts.  We suggest that the State Commission on Judicial Conduct, the Legislature, or the Supreme Court should investigate the issues raised by those who testified to the commission in Houston and decide what action, if any, may be appropriate to address those concerns."

Furthermore, in March of that same year, the "Texas Supreme Court Task Force to Examine Appointments by the Judiciary" found that the current appointment system "impedes the court's ability to function efficiently and can result in injustice and undermine the public's confidence in the entire system."   They also found "that in some areas of the state judges use appointment income as a reward or incentive to campaign supporters."  The Task Force heard numerous cases in which the judicial appointee received substantial fees despite spending very little time on the case or performing poorly.